ABOUT THE PROJECT FOR THE
NEW AMERICAN CENTURY
Established in the spring of 1997, the Project for the New American Century is a nonprofit, educational organization whose goal is to promote American global leadership.
The Project is an initiative of the New Citizenship Project. William Kristol is chairman of the Project, and Robert Kagan, Devon Gaffney Cross, Bruce P. Jackson and John R. Bolton serve as directors. Gary Schmitt is executive director of the Project.
“As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the
world’s most preeminent power....
PROJECT PARTICIPANTS
Roger Barnett
U.S. Naval War College
Alvin Bernstein
National Defense University
Stephen Cambone
National Defense University
Eliot Cohen
Nitze School of Advanced International
Studies, Johns Hopkins University
Devon Gaffney Cross
Donors' Forum for International Affairs
Thomas Donnelly
Project for the New American Century
David Epstein
Office of Secretary of Defense,
Net Assessment
David Fautua
Lt. Col., U.S. Army
Dan Goure
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Donald Kagan
Yale University
Fred Kagan
U. S. Military Academy at West Point
Robert Kagan
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Robert Killebrew
Col., USA (Ret.)
William Kristol
The Weekly Standard
Mark Lagon
Senate Foreign Relations Committee
James Lasswell
GAMA Corporation
I. Lewis Libby
Dechert Price & Rhoads
Robert Martinage
Center for Strategic and Budgetary
Assessment
Phil Meilinger
U.S. Naval War College
Mackubin Owens
U.S. Naval War College
Steve Rosen
Harvard University
Gary Schmitt
Project for the New American Century
Abram Shulsky
The RAND Corporation
Michael Vickers
Center for Strategic and Budgetary
Assessment
Barry Watts
Northrop Grumman Corporation
Paul Wolfowitz
Nitze School of Advanced International
Studies, Johns Hopkins University
Dov Zakheim
System Planning Corporation
The above list of individuals participated in at least one project meeting or contributed a paper for discussion. The report is a product solely of the Project for the New American Century and does not necessarily represent the views of the project participants or their affiliated institutions.
or click on image above for pdf.
Highlights in Red. My Notes in Blue in the Boxes.
I just glanced at this... I am sure you can find more... please download the complete document above.
Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century
WHY ANOTHER DEFENSE REVIEW?
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has struggled to formulate a
coherent national security or military strategy, one that accounts for the constants of American power and principles yet accommodates 21st century realities. Absent a strategic framework, U.S. defense planning has been an empty and increasingly self-referential exercise, often dominated by bureaucratic and budgetary rather than strategic interests. Indeed, the proliferation of defense reviews over the past decade testifies to the failure to chart a consistent course: to date, there have been half a dozen
formal defense reviews, and the Pentagon is now gearing up for a second Quadrennial Defense Review in 2001. Unless this “QDR II” matches U.S. military forces and resources to a viable American strategy, it, too, will fail.
These failures are not without cost: already, they place at risk an historic opportunity. After the victories of the past century – two world wars, the Cold War and most recently the Gulf War – the United States finds itself as the uniquely powerful leader of a coalition of free and prosperous states that faces no immediate great-power challenge.
The American peace has proven itself peaceful, stable and durable. It has, over the past decade, provided the geopolitical framework for widespread economic growth and the spread of American principles of liberty and democracy. Yet no moment in international politics can be frozen in time; even a global Pax Americana will not preserve itself. Paradoxically, as American power and
influence are at their apogee, American military forces limp toward exhaustion,
unable to meet the demands of their many and varied missions, including preparing for tomorrow’s battlefield. ....
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page 11
Transformation Forces
The fourth element in American force posture – and certainly the one which holds the key to any longer-term hopes to extend
the current Pax Americana – is the mission
to transform U.S. military forces to meet new geopolitical and technological
challenges. While the prime directive for transformation will be to design and deploy a global missile defense system, the effects of information and other advanced technologies promise to revolutionize the nature of conventional armed forces. Moreover, the ...
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page 51
Further, the process of transformation, even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event –
like a new Pearl Harbor. 
Domestic politics and industrial policy will shape the pace and content of transformation as much as the requirements of current missions. A decision to suspend or terminate aircraft carrier production, as recommended by this report and as justified by the clear direction of military technology, will cause great upheaval. Likewise, systems entering production today – the F-22 fighter, for...
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Building an effective, robust, layered, global system of missile defenses is a prerequisite for maintaining American preeminence.
Space and Cyberspace
No system of missile defenses can be fully effective without placing sensors and weapons in space. Although this would appear to be creating a potential new theater of warfare, in fact space has been militarized for the better part of four decades. Weather, communications, navigation and reconnaissance satellites are increasingly essential elements in American military power.
Indeed, U.S. armed forces are uniquely dependent upon space. As the 1996 Joint Strategy Review, a precursor to the 1997 Quadrennial Defense Review, concluded, “Space is already inextricably linked to military operations on land, on the sea, and in the air.” The report of the National Defense Panel agreed:
“Unrestricted use of space has become a major strategic interest of the United States.”
Given the advantages U.S. armed forces...
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page 52
Many of these commercial space systems have direct military applications,
including information from global positioning system constellations and better than-one-meter resolution imaging satellites.
an adversary will have sophisticated...
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page 57
Therefore, over the long haul, it will be necessary to unite the essential elements of the current SPACECOM vision to the resource-allocation and institution-building responsibilities of a military service. In addition, it is almost certain that the conduct of warfare in outer space will differ as much from traditional air warfare as air warfare has from warfare at sea or on land; space
warfare will demand new organizations, operational strategies, doctrines and training schemes. Thus, the argument to replace U.S. Space Command with U.S. Space Forces – a separate service under the Defense Department – is compelling.
Cyberpace, or ‘Net-War’
If outer space represents an emerging medium of warfare, then “cyberspace,” and in particular the Internet hold similar promise and threat.
wishing to assert itself globally must take account of this other new “global
commons.”
The Internet is also playing an increasingly important role in warfare and human political conflict. From the early use of the Internet by Zapatista insurgents in
Mexico to the war in Kosovo, communication by computer has added a new
dimension to warfare. Moreover, the use of the Internet to spread computer viruses reveals how easy it can be to disrupt the normal functioning of commercial and even military computer networks. Any nation which cannot assure the free and secure access of its citizens to these systems will sacrifice an element of its sovereignty and its power.
Although many concepts of “cyber-war” have elements of science fiction about them, and the role of the Defense Department in establishing “control,” or even what “security” on the Internet means,
Taken together, the prospects for space war or “cyberspace war” represent the truly revolutionary potential inherent in the notion of military transformation. These future forms of warfare are technologically immature, to be sure. But, it is also clear that for the U.S. armed forces to remain preeminent and avoid an Achilles Heel in the exercise of its power they must be sure that these potential future forms of warfare favor America just as today’s air, land and sea warfare reflect United...
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Although it may take several decades for the process of transformation to unfold, in time, the art of warfare on air, land, and sea will be vastly different than it is today, and “combat” likely will take place in new dimensions: in space, “cyber-space,” and perhaps the world of microbes. Air warfare may no longer be fought by pilots manning tactical fighter aircraft sweeping the skies of opposing fighters, but a regime dominated by long-range, stealthy unmanned craft.
On land, the clash of massive, combined-arms armored forces may be replaced by the dashes of much lighter, stealthier and information-intensive forces, augmented by fleets of robots, some small enough to fit in soldiers’ pockets. Control of the sea could be largely determined not by fleets of surface combatants and aircraft carriers, but from land- and space-based systems, forcing navies to maneuver and fight underwater.Space itself will become a theater of war, as nations gain access to space capabilities and come to rely on them; further, the distinction between military and commercial space systems – combatants and noncombatants – will become blurred. Information systems will become an important focus of attack, particularly for U.S. enemies seeking to short-circuit sophisticated American forces. And advanced forms of biological warfare that can “target” specific genotypes may transform biological warfare from the realm of terror to a politically useful tool. This is merely a glimpse of the possibilities inherent in the process of transformation, not a precise prediction.
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These questions include issues of strategic deployability, how to maneuver on increasingly transparent battlefields and how to operate in urban environments, to name but a few. If the first phase of transformation requires the better part of the next decade to complete, the Army must then be ready to begin to implement more far-reaching changes. Moreover, the technologies, operational concepts and organizations must be relatively mature – they can not merely exist as briefing charts or laboratory concepts. As the first phase of transformation winds down, initial field experiments for this second and more profound phase of change must begin.
While the exact scope and nature of such change is a matter for experimentation, Army studies already suggest that it will be dramatic. Consider just the potential changes that might effect the infantryman.
Future soldiers may operate in encapsulated, climate-controlled, powered fighting suits, laced with sensors, and boasting chameleon like “active” camouflage. 
“Skin-patch” pharmaceuticals help regulate fears, focus concentration and enhance endurance and
strength.
Even radical concepts such as those considered under the “Land Warrior” project do not involve outlandish technologies or flights of science fiction. Many already exist today,
and many follow developments in civilian medical, communications, information science and other fields of research.------
page 74
Even as American military forces patrol an expanding security perimeter, we believe
create the conditions for victory when reinforced. Conversely, maintaining the
ability to deliver an unquestioned “knockout punch” through the rapid introduction of stateside units will increase the shaping
power of forces operating overseas and the vitality of our alliances.
In sum, we see an enduring need for large-scale American forces.
See the pdf attached above for more.
After these pondering this,
please continue on ....
- use links at top also -
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"Terrorism is the best political weapon for nothing drives people harder than a fear of sudden death."
-- Adolpf Hitler
"In the size of the lie there is always contained a certain factor of credibility, since the great masses of the people.... will more easily fall victim to a great lie than to a small one."
-– Hitler, Mein Kampf.
"Our government has kept us in a perpetual state of fear — kept us in a continuous stampede of patriotic fervor — with the cry of grave national emergency. Always there has been some terrible evil at home or some monstrous foreign power that was going to gobble us up if we did not blindly rally behind it."
-- General Douglas MacArthur
"The individual is handicapped by coming face-to-face with a
conspiracy so monstrous he cannot believe it exists."
-- J. Edgar Hoover
Presenter: Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz
Thursday, Sept. 13, 2001
DoD News Briefing - Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz
Wolfowitz: Good afternoon. This is a grim week.
President Bush and Secretary Rumsfeld have made clear that as a country we are entering into a campaign against terrorism that has to be sustained and broad and effective. And as the president said in his remarks yesterday [at] the National Security Council meeting, the enemy that has struck has attacked not just our people but all freedom-loving people everywhere in the world. The United States of America will use all our resources to conquer this enemy. We will rally the world. We will be patient, we will be focused, and we will be steadfast in our determination. Make no mistake about it; we will win.
As a first step in that direction, the president yesterday sent to the Congress a request for a $20 billion emergency supplemental for the year 2001. And I'm here just to sketch in broadest terms our thinking on that supplemental. It's government-wide; it's not just the Defense Department. But obviously, a very great portion of those needs are to prepare our armed forces for whatever the president may ask them to do.
There are obviously other needs as well. There are needs of the victims, both here and in New York. There's rebuilding to be done, both here in and in New York. There are costs already incurred with the air -- combat air patrols that have been maintained over a significant number of American cities, including Washington. The costs mount rapidly, and they will mount more rapidly as this campaign develops.
We appreciate the indications we've had from the Congress of strong support for this request, and we of course will work very closely with the Congress as we develop the details of how this money may be used.
I think the most important point to stress is that this is a message, to those who support terrorism, that the United States is serious about the president's words. This is an indication of America's purpose, a projection of our will, and I think it's a message to friends and adversaries alike that this is a completely different ballgame that we're in now.
I'd be happy to take questions, but I'm probably going to not get into a lot of details.
Yes, sir?
Q: Mr. Secretary, how much of this 20 billion is for -- first of all, for the military? And how much involves cleanup and current operations -- as you say, such as air CAP -- and how much involves preparing the military to strike back? Can you break -- give us any sense of how much involves preparing for a strike --
Wolfowitz: I don't think we know the breakdown yet, partly because the needs are so enormous. It basically includes all of the above, and not -- as I said, not just for the Defense Department. There is help for the victims and their families -- I mean, even things as simple as DoD mortuary teams that have gone up to New York to help with the disaster up there. You've seen the disaster in this building, and we still have major work to do.
But obviously, a significant piece of this is going to be to bring our armed forces to the highest level of preparedness, to be able to execute whatever it is the president may ask them to do.
Q: How much of the 20 billion would be for the armed forces, the Pentagon?
Wolfowitz: That remains to be worked out.
Q: Oh, it has not been --
Wolfowitz: Yeah.
Q: Secretary Wolfowitz, it kind of rolls off the tongue pretty well -- "sustained and broad" -- against terrorism. But doing it, most people concede, is a totally different issue. According to polls, the American public supports military action against those who conducted the attack on Tuesday. But what do you hit? And how do you go after it? If it is Osama bin Laden or somebody comparable, there don't seem to be any hard targets, nothing comparable to the damage done here. What kind of a war do you wage?
Wolfowitz: Well, I think we're going to see how this unfolds, and it's going to unfold over time. I think one thing is clear, is that you don't do it with just a single military strike, no matter how dramatic. You don't do it with just military forces alone, you do it with the full resources of the U.S. government.
It will be a campaign, not a single action. And we're going to keep after these people and the people who support them until this stops. And it has to be treated that way.
Yes?
Q: Mr. Secretary, what support will you be getting from the allies in this effort? NATO has expressed support. Are you talking with your Russian counterparts? Will we see a different alliance striking at terrorism?
Wolfowitz: I think the while civilized world has been shocked by what's happened, and even some elements of the uncivilized world have begun to wonder whether maybe they're on the wrong side here. The president's been in close contact with a number of world leaders, including our allies, including President Putin of Russia, including our friends in the Middle East, in the Gulf region. I think everyone understands that we have, unfortunately, entered a new era. We are all going to be tested.
We're going to be coming to each one of them, I'm sure, with a variety of different requests. Some of those are being developed, many more we're going to develop as we proceed. And I think so far we've seen indications from a wide variety of sources that people will step up when asked. And believe me, they will be asked.
Yes?
Q: Does this mean there's an end to any kind of drawdown of the military?
Wolfowitz: I'm not sure which drawdown you're referring to. We were talking in the context of the QDR about major investments to build up our military for the next decade. I think what this means is there are also going to be some huge requirements to build up our military for the next year, and maybe longer.
Yes?
Q: Mr. Secretary, you have a Quadrennial Defense Review that's due to Congress in just a few weeks, and certainly this changes the whole perspective of it. It changes everything -- (inaudible) -- program, what you're going to put your money in. Do you still intend on meeting that [September] 30th deadline, or what do you plan on doing with the Quadrennial Defense Review?
Wolfowitz: I don't think a final decision's been made on that. I wouldn't agree that it changes everything. It changes a great deal. And as I just said in answer to the previous question, we now have requirements that we didn't contemplate two weeks ago. But I don't think that means that the requirements that we contemplated for 10 and 15 years from now are necessarily all that different.
Yes?
Q: Sir, a question about the budget process as it stood on Monday before the incident. Have you or anyone else at [the] OSD level issued different guidance, different directions today or yesterday as to the disposition of the development of the next POM cycle in the budget as a result of the tragedy?
And can you give us any visibility about where you stand in building that next fiscal perspective for the military build-up that you've discussed? Have you put that down in writing to the force --
Wolfowitz: Well, as I think you probably understand, because it's a well informed question, that the budget process is a great big machine, and you don't sort of turn it on or off or steer it quickly. And I think that machine continues to work in a lot of fine-grain detail on our out-year requirements. Clearly there are going to be a whole range of new requirements, and we are already working with the services and defense agencies to start to identify a range of what those near-term requirements may be. As you probably realize, this $20 billion is '01 money, and so it doesn't even begin to address the question of amended requirements for '02 and beyond.
We are in a different era. I think the president has made that clear. The secretary of Defense has made that clear. Everything is going to change. But we hope that with this $20 billion initial move forward, that particularly our enemies will get a message, and the people who have to be with us will get a message as well that we're serious.
Q: The president had said that the United States intends to find those who are responsible for these attacks and hold them accountable. But he and others, including you today, have also spoken about a much broader campaign that would seem to go beyond, in terms of targets, beyond those that may have been responsible for this particular attack. How should we look at that?
Wolfowitz: Well, I think the president's words are pretty good, so let me say, these people try to hide, but they won't be able to hide forever. They think their harbors are safe, but they won't be safe forever. I think one has to say it's not just simply a matter of capturing people and holding them accountable, but removing the sanctuaries, removing the support systems, ending states who sponsor terrorism. And that's why it has to be a broad and sustained campaign. It's not going to stop if a few criminals are taken care of.
Yes.
Q: Do you anticipate -- given the devastation in New York, I mean $20 billion looks like it's just going to be a down payment on repairing what was destroyed. Do you anticipate having to shift around any of DoD's internal resources in the 2002 budget to cover some of the bills here and to begin work on any of the kind of anti-terrorism or counterterrorism measures?
Wolfowitz: I anticipate, and the indications from the Congress are that my anticipation is well-founded, that we will have new additional resources to cover not only the damage that has been inflicted, but to start to begin to build the military capability we need for other options.
So I don't envisage shifting resources around, as your question implies.
Q: So that for the money that you all have asked for now would stay where it is, and then you expect to get additional resources in the 2002 budget for added work -- restoration --
Wolfowitz: That's my expectation, yes.
Over here?
Q: Secretary Mineta talked today about his request to put military personnel a